As will become evident we stand in need of the healing rain of God's grace upon our church family. I pray for that rain and where I am allowed to will be a conduit of that mercy ... brackets [ ] with numbers in them indicate a corresponding footnote ...
SOCIAL CONCERNS IN CHURCHES OF CHRIST: TRENDS SINCE THE KING YEARS, 1950-2000
Introduction
Claiming to be a people of the Book, Churches of Christ have recognized that scripture reveals widespread concern with social justice. Passages like Deuteronomy 15.11-17; Amos 2.6ff; 5.10-24; Matthew 25 and James 5.1-6 among dozens of others have not been unknown to interpreters in our fellowship. What has not been recognized by many, however, is that these passages bear directly on the mission of God in this world and thus the mission of his people, the church. Does the church have a moral/biblical obligation to address prophetically the evils of the world such as discrimination, work conditions not far removed from slavery, and abject poverty? This paper seeks to explore how Churches of Christ in the mid-20th century to the early 1990s answered these kinds of questions. We will do that by looking at one slice of moral witness: race relations.
Churches of Christ flourished in the post Civil War upper South where the uniting social fabric was the civil "religion" known as the Lost Cause. The Lost Cause had white supremacy as its foundational principle [1]. "Negrophobia" dominated much of the post-Reconstruction southern psyche. The fear of African-Americans is clearly seen in the segregation of the races. "Ole Miss" historian Charles Reagan Wilson, writes that ministers of the South were the guardians of this worldview. In fact "racial heresy was more dangerous to a preacher's reputation than was theological speculation" [2].
In light of the Lost Cause, it is not surprising that many in Churches of Christ resisted an advocacy role for disenfranchised Black Americans. In fact we often find "our" ministers leading the opposite direction. Abilene Christian College president Jesse P. Sewell seemed to grant the Ku Klux Klan legitimacy by accepting contributions from the Klan during chapel [3]. Renowned Texas evangelist, J. D. Tant, lamented trends toward equality in Kansas. He reported in the Gospel Advocate:
Negro equality runs high here. Negroes ride in the same coach, go to the same school, eat at the same table with white people, and sometimes sleep in the beds of their white neighbors; all of which I am glad to say is not tolerated in 'heathen' Texas. [4]
African-American evangelist, Samuel R. Cassius, gives us a window into the prevailing attitudes among restoration churches when he accused them of being inbred with race hatred (for more on Cassius see my blog HERE). He writes with white hot passion about the moral injustice toward his race and the apparent lack of interest among preachers of the old time gospel message. The preachers themselves are:
[F]ull of race prejudice and hatred, inbred by three hundred years of schooling of a purely one-sided nature ... I may arouse passions that will cause my people to be hung, shot and burned under every tree in the South, or I may start a wave of sympathy that will roll over the land which will make such common things as these impossible to occur again [5].Cassius was correct. The Disciples of Christ had historically been vague on the issue of slavery in theory, and in practice owned more slaves per capita than any other denomination in America [6]. James Shannon, one of the best educated men in the Stone-Campbell Movement, led a fiery defense of the morality of slavery [7]. Alexander Campbell himself, and Walter Scott, were unable to make slavery a moral issue rather than a political evil [8]. In the post Civil War era, Disciples provided many for the "rank and file of the Klan, and their preachers gave it leadership and respectability" [9]. (As an aside we can take pride in men like Pardee Butler for their prophetic ministry in opposing slavery. See my blog Pardee Butler: An Amos on the Family Tree).
Given the social context of Churches of Christ, it is not surprising that we often reflected white Southern values rather than the radically counter cultural values of the Kingdom of God. Rare was the preacher who dared to be guilty, in Wilson's terms, the heresy of promoting racial justice and equality. So opposed to this heresy was the legendary Texas editor Foy Wallace the he made Jim Crow an essential part of Christianity. Writing about the black evangelist, R. N. Hogan, who stayed in the home of Ira Rice Jr. he said:
Aside from being an infringement of the Jim Crow law, it is a violation of Christianity itself, and of all common decency. Such conduct forfeits the respect of right thinking people, and would be calculated to stir up demonstrations in most any community if it should be generally known [10].
Editor Wallace goes on to attack Hogan as being "too much inclined to mix with the white people and to favor, in attitude, social equality!" Wallace was not finished yet. He turned his editorial guns upon the humble Marshall Keeble and the white women who attended his meetings. He laments:
The manner in which the brethren in some quarters are going in for the negro meetings lead one to wonder whether they are trying to make white folks out of the negroes ... Reliable reports have come to me of white women, members of the church, becoming so animated over a certain colored preacher as to go up to him after a sermon and shake hands with him holding his hand in both of theirs. That kind of thing will turn the head of most white preachers, and sometimes affect their conduct, and anybody ought to know that it makes fools out of the negroes" [11].
The Wallace-Hogan-Keeble episode provides a unique window into the mind of the Churches of Christ near mid-20th century. Not a single voice, that I have found, was to be heard of protest of Wallace's blatant racism. Not a single letter to the editor pointing out the glaring contradiction with "New Testament Christianity." It seems fairly safe to assume that Wallace represented the prevailing attitudes among most of his contemporaries in the South among Churches of Christ.
THE MARTIN LUTHER KING YEARS
From the beginning, Churches of Christ were involved in the battle against the degrading moral evil of segregation, even if that was limited to Fred D. Gray (see my blog Fred D. Gray: The Hero Lawyer). Gray defended Parks and organized the Montgomery Improvement Association which then appointed King as their spokesperson [12]. Gray, like King, was deeply motivated by Christian convictions that many of his brethren did not understand or share. Gray testifies how even Marshall Keeble, his mentor, did not understand. "It was difficult for him to understand how one of his former preacher boys would now be standing in courtrooms fighting racial discrimination" [13]. Somehow being concerned with the issues of justice took one away from "kingdom work" and into the dreaded "social gospel." This of course betrays a grave lack of appreciation of the actual kingdom work of Jesus himself.
Other than the work of Fred Gray, however, not much was being done among Churches of Christ expressing social concern in the area of racial justice until the historic speech of Carl Spain in 1960. Spain's speech at ACC, according to William Banowsky was, if judged by the intensity of the reaction to it, "the most spectacular speech ever delivered in Abilene" [14].
Spain sounds almost like Amos:
I feel certain Jesus would say: "Ye hypocrites!" You say you are the only true Christians, and make up the only true church, and have the only Christian schools. Yet, you drive one of your own preachers to denominational schools where he can get credit for his work and refuse to let him take Bible for credit in your own schools because of the color of his skin is dark! ... Are we moral cowards on this issue? There are people with money who will back us in our last ditch stand for white supremacy in a world of pigmented people. God forbid that we shall be the last stronghold among religious schools where the politico-economic philosophy of naturalism determines moral conduct. We fear the mythical character name Jim Crow more than we reverence Jesus Christ. In the name of "discretion" we make un-Christian and un-American rules like some states do in the name of "States Rights.'" [15].
There is no doubt that Spain's speech was electrifying, but contrary to Banowsky's assertion of it "solidifying brotherhood convictions" [16], the moral crisis was far from settled in Churches of Christ.
Silence was the typical response of leaders within the churches. Jimmy Allen, eleven years after Spain's speech, chastised preachers in 1971 for refusing to address the issue of justice. He said:
If our people are not right on this issue, it is because our preachers have not dealt with the matter. Preaching brethren, I am not trying to judge anyone but I wonder how many of us are cowards? Just plain down right cowards! Are we so in love with our positions or so afraid we might offend narrow-minded church leaders that we simply seal our lips ... When are we going to begin to instruct our people along these lines? Is the church of the Lord to be last religious institution in America to speak out for racial justice? [17]
A survey of leading periodicals of the time show Allen to be correct. During the violent years of the late 1950s through the early 1960s virtually nothing is published regarding the massive moral crises facing America and the church. In the Firm Foundation it was apparently the policy of Reuel Lemmons not to publish articles on the subject of racial justice and integration. He writes "we have received scores of articles on the subject of integration, both pro and con. Up until now we have not published any of them" [18]. Lemmons' editorial is insightful because it reveals several key themes. Lemmons denies that addressing "social structures" is the work of the church; he pointed to what he believed were segregation practices in the first century; and finally he flat denied that racism and segregation was a problem was in Churches of Christ. He states "we do not believe that segregation has ever been a problem with the Lord's church" [19].
They did not turn from their primary purpose of preaching Christ to become involved in revolutionary demands and social reforms ... While they were brethren in the church they were still "Master" and "slave" ...
Fowler the suggests the church is not to be involved with the Civil Rights Movement:
[N]either can I find it within the spirit of Christianity to join the church to organized movements whose ends are not always clear, and whose methods and motives are not always above reproach, and whose values in the cause of justice is questioned ..." [20]
Unlike Lemmons and many other white church leaders who denied there was a problem, the Black Churches of Christ brought in the minority report. R. N. Hogan, editor of the Christian Echo, set out the contradiction in bold relief:
It must be agreed that we have the same kind of people in the Church of Christ today. There are the prejudice segregationists in congregations all over the brotherhood whose hearts are filled with hate because of the color of another man's skin" [21].
Andrew Hairston, an African-American minister, attacked head-on the common theme among white church leaders that racial justice was simply a "social" matter and not a matter of the Gospel.
The race issue is no more a social issue and to be divorced from the life and preaching of the true church today than it was when Christ died for the demolition of that wall separating man from man ...
Hairston argues the lack of interest in moral justice is not because it is unbiblical, but because it is a cross the white brethren are not willing to pick up.
There is little doubt that when the complete truth is revealed, the reason for the Church of Christ not speaking out against racial segregation ... will not be because the issue is SOCIAL and is therefore no responsibility of the gospel. It will be because to take as firm a stand on this issue as we have on baptism will cost too much in terms of social and economic reprisal" [22].
Hairston's view could not be more diametrically opposite that of Lemmons and Fowler.
Several years went by and there was another "burst" of articles appeared. The death of Marshall Keeble gave Lemmons the opportunity to analyze the current state of the crises. Lemmons contrasted the methods of Keeble and especially Martin Luther King Jr. Eulogizing Keeble, Lemmons said:
He never lead a riot; he never burned a block of buildings; he never marched on Washington. But he marched toward heaven from the day he obeyed the gospel, young in life and following him a great throng of peaceable people ..."
Just as the Firm Foundation editor had previously claimed there was no prejudice among Churches of Christ in 1964, so now he restated his convictions. "If he ever knew there were segregation lines he never indicated it. Indeed, because of his life and work there has been an infinitesimally small amount of racial prejudice in the Churches of Christ" [25].
Lemmons did not go unchallenged in his glowing appraisal of Keeble's experience and racism. Norman Anderson, a black preacher, wrote Lemmons rather pointedly. "I have searched myself deeply, trying to decide if the editorial based upon unbelievable racism on your part, gross ignorance of ... the conditions very much in evidence in the Church, or maybe you were so emotionally upset by the death of Marshall Keeble that you lost sight of reality" [26].
The Gospel Advocate issued a special Marshall Keeble memorial edition on July 18, 1968. Just as in Lemmons' eulogy, Karl Pettus contrasted Keeble's approach with the Civil Rights Movement. "He never led a march or demonstration, peaceful or otherwise. He never connected with a riot ... he didn't march for school integration, but he worked and spend himself" in the cause of Christ [27]. The Advocate's approach to the moral crisis seems to have been to ignore it. Not until September of 1968 did the Advocate acknowledge in a half-hearted way the upheaval around the Churches of Christ [28]. B. B. Baxter's article is vague and not until the end is the raging crises even mentioned and then only in a highly individualistic manner.
would make the unthinking say that any Christian or any congregation not going all out for the social gospel is hypocritical. Whereas the inspired apostles refused to leave the word of God to serve tables (Acts 6:2), apparently this speaker would make human relief the first order of business [30].
Coming from the opposite point of view, Walter Burch published an article in the spirit of Carl Spain's speech in the Firm Foundation on June 11, 1968. In a country that had been rocked by the assassination of Medgar Evars, the bombing of Sixteenth Street Baptist Church, the slayings of Mickey Schwerner, James Chaney and Andy Goodman in Neoshoba, MS and the brutal beatings of children in Grenada, MS., the Bloody Sunday in Selma, and finally the murder of King himself - Burch wondered aloud where the voice of God's people might be.
Tragically, the most flaming moral issue perhaps in the history of Christianity is evaded, ignored, or shunned with maddening indifference by the Church of Christ -- and generally speaking, without any visible pangs of conscience or remorse or agony expressed by the leadership within the white church. Apparently -- and this is an incredible thought -- no clear cut moral issue or scriptural principle is at stake at this time!
Burch states that the church will get very vocal over a high school dance or the theory of evolution, but "public opposition to racial injustice? No! The camel has been swallowed" [31].
Much is being said about what part the church should play in racial problems which would indicate that the speakers and writers have swallowed the "social gospel" idea. We repeat that we what we have said before: the church is about to forget its evangelical thrust" [32].
In the same issue B. B. Harding wrote "Articles like the above title by Walter Burch in June 11 disturb me, but not in the right way. One should be provoked to good works, not to wrath or disgust." Moving from his critique of Burch, Harding turned to King who had been killed just a few weeks prior,
To compare King to Jesus or say he didn't make violence as it was already here is foolish. Why did violence always follow his efforts? Jesus Christ didn't die defying the courts or "giving people all the hell he could"; and riots and violence didn't follow him everywhere he went [34].
Ron Goodman also responded to Burch. Far from being a "non-violent leader," King was really a "rabble rouser." He questions Burch "in what city do we find Paul marching the streets with disgruntled Jews, slaves or anyone else? Where are the "passionate sermons" on the subject." Burch is doing nothing more than selling out to "the social gospel" which has always been opposed by sound brethren [35].
The Christian Chronicle, unlike both the Foundation and Advocate, consistently pointed Churches of Christ to the crises around them. The Advocate ignored the death of Martin Luther King and ignored the race relations workshops held in various cities like Atlanta [36]. Denton Crews wrote that many preachers were "scared stiff on the subject." The response of our leaders, Crews opined was "pussyfooting about human relations" and to "beg the problem to go away" [37].
Whether King is aware of what he is doing or not, the final outcome would not be changed. His contribution to anarchy within the United States,his cooperation with Communists within the United States, and his efforts to render us defenseless ... all add up to defeat for freedom and victory for communism if he and others like him prevail" [38]
Several articles and letters appeared in the Christian Chronicle following King's murder. African-American Calvin Bowers lamented his loss. He stressed King's Christ-likeness, his love and commitment to non-violence. Bowers echoing Jesus' words in Matthew 25, in contrast to Bales, claimed "he made clothing the naked, feeding the hungry, visiting the sick and those in prison major goals in his life" [39]. Two letters however from white women were less than mournful. Mrs. Virgil Todd labeled King a communist [40] while the other accused him of being a violent political preacher [41]. Perhaps most revealing of the letters came from Truman R. Clark. Clark compared Keeble and King and found the latter wanting.
Marshall Keeble was a great man, but one of the main reasons why he was so beloved by our Southern brethren was that he knew how to keep his place. He would never have been so un-scriptural as to teach that brotherhood in Christ should pervade everyday life, in such things as schools, jobs, public restrooms, or -- perish the thought -- calling a black man something other than "boy." [42]
Scott does not give any reason why "brotherhood in Christ" should not change our relationship with people on a daily basis. Keeble was great simply because he "knew his place" in a deeply entrenched cultural church and King apparently did not. For Scott the eschatological reality of a new humanity has no bearing at all on the real day to day world.
The reaction of black leaders among Churches of Christ than those of many of their white brothers and sisters. Eugene Green writing in the Christian Echo had (like Bowers) a very different point of view:
In recent weeks Dr. Martin Luther King was killed, why? Well someone has said it was a sick mind, I say it was a sick society, because all who opposed Dr. King in his non-violent movement was just guilty as the one who fired the shot that killed him.
But let us not forget one thing, killing Dr. King did not kill the cause, if he was wrong in what he was teaching, then there would have been no need to kill him, the cause would have died itself, but if he was right ... we know he was. It might be asked where do I stand, well, I stand with God. Now about riots in the city, it is wrong, but if you treat people like an animal they will act like one. I do not hate my White Brethren, I love them very much, because I know that is the only way for me to see my fathers face in peace [43].
Green's view is radically different than that of Lemmons and Clark. He sees corporate responsibility for the death of King and civil unrest. Green believed that opposition to "the cause" is tantamount to opposition to God himself. The practical division between white and black Churches of Christ is further evidenced by the reaction of some well known preachers to promotion of justice on the part of black churches. John Waddey scolded African American leaders saying they were leaving gospel ground. "Those churches whose preachers have quite preaching the Bible and turned to social and political issues will not long stand." Truly biblical churches will avoid the world of "politics and social reform" [44].
One last voice needs to be noted before our study moves past the King Years. John Allen Chalk, speaker for the Herald of Truth radio program, had attended the race relations workshop in Atlanta and was encouraged to speak out on the subject. As a result Chalk preached his famous (or infamous) series "Three American Revolutions" which lead the way for several other sermons dealing with America's crisis of justice. Chalk forthrightly attacked racism:
Racism in America has defrauded the minority person of his personal dignity; has destroyed his sense of personal worth; has crushed his expectations ... has encouraged destructive futility and rebellion; and has continually confronted him with the "lie" of inferiority. [45]
Chalk adds "Jehovah God is not a racist. The Christianity practiced in the first century, as explained in the New Testament, rejected racism" [46]. The Herald of Truth sermons on race evoked the largest response of any previous lessons on that program [47].
In the King years Churches of Christ pretty much fell in line with the prevailing cultural values of the South. Voices are heard crying in the wilderness from time to time about one the greatest crises of justice in American history. Few, however, could critique the church from the perspective of the kingdom of God. Others simply denied there was a problem to be dealt with and any attempt to do so earned the label "liberal" or "social gospeler" or the charge of attacking the Lord's church. Glen Wallace's comments on the race relations workshop at the Simpson St. Church of Christ in Atlanta during June 1968, perhaps sums up the majority view. Writing in First Century Christian, Wallace charged the workshop with the desire to "RESTRUCTURE the church. They want our pulpits to ring with the social gospel theme. They want the "urban ministry" to become the cry of our day. They are tired of the story of the "old rugged cross" [48]. It simply was not within Wallace's purview that the the "old rugged cross" just might have vital connections with the pervasive theme of justice throughout scripture.
TOWARD THE NEW MILLENNIUM
Following the trauma of the 1960s there were only sporadic attempts to deal with racial issues in brotherhood journals. One article is significant for its negative evaluation of Black Power and affirmative action is Rubel Shelly's in 1980. Shelly addresses the surging racial bigotry following the Iranian hostage crisis. For Shelly, affirmative action is simply equated with his understanding of Black Power which was designed to either hurt or punish white people. "And while there ought to be something which helps achieve the stated goals of socalled affirmative action programs, many of these have degenerated into black tools for punishing and denying whites' [49].
Our over reaction to a "social Gospel" of sort (real or imagined, it matters not) has paralyzed the body in many places and has prevented our making the legitimate and necessary response to the real plight of people in need. [50]
In the 1980s and 1990s the new journals IMAGE and Wineskins began to address racial justice from a more holistic doctrine of creation and a deeper grasp of the mission of the church. Contemporary justice issues were dealt with rather than swept under the rug as in the 1960s. When African-American houses of worship were being burned across the South in the early 1990s IMAGE published a piece by Larry James directly confronting the matter [51].
What sort of person would burn a church? The question itself causes my stomach to knot up. Yet since 1995 almost fifty churches have been torched across the South ... Most of these burned church buildings are small, poor, rural African American congregations."
James does not merely point to the problem, he suggests concrete steps that Christians should take to overcome hatred. These steps include honestly evaluating our attitude toward other ethnic groups; taking the time to openly talk and listen on the subject of race with a person of different color; learning to relate to others on their terms; take steps to change our behavior; and finally taking a stand for the gospel truth and teaching our children to love and respect all God's image bearers [52].
In the same issue of IMAGE, Rick Atchley addressed the fallout between African Americans and whites over the O. J. Simpson trial. Atchley believed that the root of the problem was not merely education but reconciliation.
Education alone will never solve the problem. Education has its place -- ignorance does breed prejudice -- but education cannot demand that people get to know one another. Reconciliation requires relationships. And relationships are not built spontaneously, but deliberately. Are we being intentional about racial reconciliation. [53]
Wineskins has addressed the problem of social justice and racism on several occasions. Rubel Shelly argued that Christians must take the lead in the monumental moral issues facing the church today. This, however, Shelly is quick to point out is not selling out to the dreaded social gospel. Rather,
It is an appeal for us to face up to the social implications of the true gospel. We have neither the right nor credibility for offering people a better prospect in the new heaven and earth if we are not actively concerned about justice for them in today's anguish ... The things that are concerns of God will not be neglected by his people. It is a "mark of the church" to teach and practice justice and for its members and to be advocates for the powerless" [54]
John Allen Chalk reflected upon the 1960s stating that though "we got the theology right, and some of us preached it but didn't practice what we preached. And our voices faded with the coming Worldly Church" [55]. Chalk recognized something very few Church of Christ leaders have believed and that is "racism is bigger, stronger, deadlier than any single individual." Therefore racism had to be attacked on both an individual level and an institutional level [56].
One of the most radical, and interesting pieces, written during the time covered by this study was Larry James' "Remembering a Martyr: Malcolm X and America's Struggle for Racial Justice" in August 1992. James believes that Malcolm X provides a unique venue for whites to contextualize the "rage, anger and pent up frustration of millions of black Americans who live in the great cities of our nation." By reading Malcolm, white folks can "glimpse the daily roadblocks black people must break through in their attempts to move beyond the despair and hopelessness of poverty and social alienation." Finally, James urges Christians to know Malcolm because his story demonstrates how Christian apathy about justice destroys the impact of the Christ [57].
Martin Luther King's "I have a Dream" speech was reprinted in Wineskins along with a themed issue on the Civil Rights Movement [59]. Gary Selby reflected on his visit to the Lorraine Hotel, now the National Civil Rights Museum, in Memphis where King was murdered. Selby was moved to the core of his being. His reflection is worth quoting at length:
Mostly, I felt shame. Shame for what these people felt. Shame for the humiliation and abuse they endured. Shame at being a member of a system -- no, a beneficiary of a system -- which brought such misery upon so many people. I thought about the ways I have participated, knowingly and unknowingly, in this oppression. I thought of pronouncements I have made about matters which I didn't understand. Jokes I have told or laughed at. Conclusion I have reached about others because of their appearance. Being there forced me to admit how quickly I still judge a man "by the color of his skin rather than the character of his heart." I remember my own reluctance to get out of the car when I realized what section of town the Lorraine was in -- a section mostly poor and black. I who have so wanted to be seen as above all that. The museum forced me to see that issue for me -- maybe for all of us -- is not, "Am I prejudiced?" The question is simply, "In what ways?" [60]
CONCLUSION(S)
Several themes have surfaced throughout this overview. First is the view of Reuel Lemmons there simply is no problem at all. Second is that any engagement in racial justice is a manifestation of the "heresy" Wilson points to ... the dreaded social gospel. Third when solutions were attempted they were highly individualistic and only rarely placed within a larger structural paradigm. Fourth, justice was believed to be neither evangelism or benevolence and thus not part of the mission of the church. Fifth we see pervading the literature a continual failure to grasp how a platonic wedge is driven between the physical and material greatly limiting the power of eschatological ethics to impact the identity of the people of God. Sixth it is deeply apparent that "race" actually factors in whether one believes there is a race problem or not, the divergent perspectives on King make this glaring. Finally there is a marked political conservativism.
Some themes, like the dichotomy between physical and spiritual, seems to be waning. Other themes like the denial that there ever was or is a problem continues. For example the Gospel Advocate recently did a themed issue on "Christian Activism" [61]. There were articles on moral decline in America; the need for Christians in government and Paul's teaching on government. But in these articles there is not a single sentence regarding social justice of any kind.
There have been persistent voices crying out for justice throughout the history of Churches of Christ. They have often been drowned out by the culture around them, they have often been abused and accused of being social gospelers but they have been steadfast. For the bravery of these voices we can be thankful. We can only hope they can continue to help us see the message of Scripture more clearly than ever before.
ENDNOTES
[1] Charles Reagan Wilson, Baptized in Blood: The Religion of the Lost Cause, 1865-1920 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1980), p. 100. Interestingly enough Wilson cites a "Reverend T. B. Latimore" (p. 45) which turns out to be either a misprint or he miscites his source. Latimore is none other than legendary Church of Christ evangelist T. B. Larimore
[2] Ibid., p. 101.
[3] R. O. Kenley, "Ku-Klux-Klan Gifts," Gospel Advocate 64.47 (23 November 1922): 1128.
[4] J. D. Tant, "In Kansas," Gospel Advocate (5 February 1898): 71.
[5] S. R. Cassius, "The Race Problem," Christian Leader (1 October 1901): 12. Ida Wells-Barnett (born into slavery in Holly Springs on July 16, 1862) published her expose of religiously backed lynching in 1895, A Red Record: Tabulated Statistics and Alleged Causes of Lynching in the United States, a convenient excerpt is found in Deirdre Mullane, Crossing the Danger Water: Three Hundred Years of African-American Writing, pp. 395-401.
[6] According to Garrison and DeGroot the Disciples owned 101,000 slaves. The Baptists and Methodists held more in real numbers but not percentage, The Disciples of Christ, p. 468.
[7] See the succinct, though theologically slim, review of Shannon's 1855 speech at the Proslavery Convention in Lexington, Missouri in Barry C. Poyner Bound to Slavery: James Shannon and the Restoration Movement (Star Bible, 1999), pp. 112-118. Fortunately there were those who took strong anti-slavery stances, Pardee Butler; Ovid Butler and others. See Elder Jonas Hartzel's Bible Vindicated: A Series of Essays on American Slavery (Cincinnati: John Boggs, 1858) and the series of discussions in Is Slavery Sinful? Being a Partial Discussions of the Proposition, Slavery is Sinful by Jeremiah Smith (Indianapolis: H. H. Dodd & Co., 1863).
[8] For the dilemma Campbell found himself in see Jesse O. Hale, "Ecclesiastical Politics on a Moral Powder Keg: Alexander Campbell and Slavery in the Millennial Harbinger, 1830-1860," Restoration Quarterly 39.2 (1997): 65-81. Campbell's views on slavery are complex yet he provides a good example of how a person's racial background and social location can indeed filter one's biblical interpretation. See the very insightful article by D. Newell Williams, "Disciples Biblical Interpretation and the Fugitive Slave Law: Ovid Butler vs. Alexander Campbell," Encounter 59.1&2 (1998): 3-22.
[9] Wilson, Baptized in Blood, p. 117. Wilson also cites the role of Baptists and Methodists.
[10] Foy E. Wallace, "Negro Meetings for White People," Bible Banner (March 1941): 7.
[11] Ibid.
[12] Fred D. Gray, Bus Ride to Justice: Changing the System by the System, The Life and Works of Fred Gray (Black Belt Press, 1995), pp. 52, 55-60.
[13] Ibid., p. 257.
[14] William S. Banowsky, The Mirror of a Movement: Churches of Christ as seen through the Abilene Christian College Lectureship (Christian Publishing, 1965), p. 385.
[15] Carl Spain, "Modern Challenges to Christian Morals," in Christian Faith in the Modern World, Abilene Christian College Lectureship (1960), pp. 217-218.
[16] Banowsky, Mirror of a Movement, p. 387.
[17] Jimmy Allen, "Christ, The Prince of Peace," in The American Crisis and Other Sermons (Self-Published, 1971), pp. 101-102. For more on "Jim Crow" see C. Vann Woodward's classic The Strange Career of Jim Crow, Second Revised edition (Oxford University Press, 1966).
[18] Reuel Lemmons, "The Church and Integration," Firm Foundation (31 March 1964): 194.
[19] Ibid.
[20] James F. Fowler, "From the Midst of the Crises," Firm Foundation (31 March 1964): 199. The dates of these articles are significant in that Medgar Evers had been murdered in Mississippi in June of 1963.
[21] R. N. Hogan, "Tradition Versus God's Commandments," Christian Echo (July 1963): 1.
[22] Andrew J. Hairston, "Is the Race Issue Social?" Christian Echo (June 1964): 5.
[23] Fred Gray, Bus Ride to Justice, pp. 221f.
[24] Richard T. Hughes, Reviving the Ancient Faith: The Story of Churches of Christ in America (Eerdmans, 1996), p. 297.
[25] Reuel Lemmons, "Marshall Keeble," Firm Foundation (14 May 1968): 306.
[26] Quoted in Richard T. Hughes, Reviving the Ancient Faith, p. 296. Hughes also quotes the letter of Howard White to Lemmons. According to White Keeble was always discriminated against. Never being invited to join luncheons or dinner, his students being ropped off like cattle but Keeble because of his great spirit suffered these indignities in silence.
[27] Karl W. Pettus, "The Memorial to Marshall Keeble," Gospel Advocate (18 July 1968): 449.
[28] See Batsell Barrett Baxter's "The Problem of Prejudice, No. 1," Gospel Advocate (5 September 1968): 561, 566; Part 2 is in Gospel Advocate (3 October 1968): 629.
[29] Hugo McCord, "A Sorry Viewpoint," Gospel Advocate (20 March 1969): 190.
[30] Ibid., 191.
[31] Walter Burch, "Neglecting Weightier Matters," Firm Foundation (11 June 1968): 372.
[32] Reuel Lemmons, "The Racial Problem," Firm Foundation (9 July 1968):: 434.
[34] B. B. Harding, "Neglecting the Weightier Matters," Firm Foundation (9 July 1968): 436.
[35] Ron Goodman, "Afterthoughts on 'Neglecting the Weightier Matters," Firm Foundation (9 July 1968): 437.
[36] The Christian Chronicle seems to have covered these events regularly. The June 14, 1968 Chronicle covers the Dayton workshop and the July 12 has a report on the Atlanta workshop.
[37] Denton Crews, Jr. "Brookline, Massachusetts to the Editor," Christian Chronicle (18 October 1963): 2.
[38] James D. Bales, The Martin Luther King Story (Christian Crusade Publications, 1967), p. 199. In my judgment rare is the book that so grossly misunderstands King and his work. Bales has no conception or appreciation that King was working for freedom. Nor did Bales see that the very system he was seeking to defend against the "Communists" was one of the most oppressive in the world.
[39] Calvin Bowers, "Reflections on the Death of Martin Luther King," Christian Chronicle (19 April 1968): 2.
[40] Mrs. Virgil Todd, Dell City, Oklahoma, to the Editor, Christian Chronicle (10 May 1968): 3
[41] Mrs. Sam R. Hershey, Midland, Texas, to the Editor, Christian Chronicle (10 May 1968): 3.
[42] Truman R. Clark, Villanova, Pennsylvania, to the Editor, Christian Chronicle (14 June 1968): 2.
[43] Eugene Green, "The Trouble with Skin," Christian Echo (July 1968): 5.
[44] John Waddey, "A Plea to My Black Brethren," Christian Echo (February 1970): 2.
[45] John Allen Chalk, Three American Revolutions (Carlton Press, 1970), p. 79.
[46] Ibid., p. 85.
[47] Richard T. Hughes, Reviving the Ancient Faith, p. 302.
[48] Glen Wallace, "The Atlanta Conference," First Century Christian (October 1968): 3.
[49] Rubel Shelly, "Must I love My Neighbor If He is a Different Color?" Firm Foundation (1 January 1980): 5. For Black Power see James Cone's Black Theology & Black Power (Orbis, Second Printing 1999) and Risks of Faith: The Emergence of a Black Theology of Liberation, 1968-1998 (Beacon Press, 1999). Cone will, as they say, rock your world and make most of us uncomfortable.
[50] Larry James, "The Church and Good News to the Poor," Firm Foundation (17 October 1978): 666.
[51] Larry James, "Christians Should Lead the Way in Overcoming Hate," IMAGE (Sept/Oct 1996):7
[52] Ibid., p. 8.
[53] Rick Atchley, "Reconciling Differences," IMAGE (Sept/Oct 1996): 23.
[54] Rubel Shelly, "Passion for Justice is a 'Mark of the Church,'" Wineskins (August 1992): 3.
[55] John Allen Chalk, "Racism and the Body of Christ," Wineskins (August 1992): 10.
[56] Ibid., 11.
[57] Larry James, "Remembering A Martyr: Malcolm X and America's Struggle for Racial Justice," Wineskins (August 1992): 24-26.
[58] Michael Casey, "Bus Ride to Justice: The Story of a Faithful Gospel Preacher and Martin Luther King's Lawyer, Fred Gray," Wineskins (July/August 1998): 16.
[59] Martin Luther King, Jr, "I Have a Dream," Wineskins (May/June 1998): 9-10.
[60] Gary Selby, "A Visit to the Lorraine," Wineskins (May/June 1998): 13.
[61] Gospel Advocate (October 1995).
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